<?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?>
<article>

    <title>THE PIVOTAL ROLE OF EU ENGAGEMENT IN NORTH MACEDONIA: INTERNAL COHESION IMPLICATIONS AMID GEOPOLITICAL CHALLENGES</title>

    <slug>the-pivotal-role-of-eu-engagement-in-north-macedonia-internal-cohesion-implications-amid-geopolitical-challenges</slug>

    
            <parent>
            <title>Volume 6, Issue 1</title>
        </parent>
    
    
            <post_type>
            <title>ARTICLES</title>
        </post_type>
    
    	
	
	<year>2025</year>

    
	<volume>6</volume>
	
    
    <content><![CDATA[]]></content>

    
            <references><![CDATA[<p>Arnaudov, M. (2024). North Macedonia security threats in the third decade of XXI century: Instituti onal and political framework as a key determinant of instability. Arel USAM.</p>
<p>Bechev, D. (2017). Rival power: Russia’s influence in Southeast Europe. Yale University Press.</p>
<p>Bechev, D. (2023). The EU and dispute settlement: The case of the Macedonian name issue. East European Politics and Societies, 37(2), 698–717.</p>
<p>Belloni, R. (2016). The European Union blowback? Euroscepticism and its consequences in the Western Balkans. Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding, 10(4), 530–547.</p>
<p>Bertelsmann Stiftung. (2022). BTI 2022 Country report: North Macedonia. https://bti-project.org/ en/reports/country-report/MKD</p>
<p>Brunnbauer, U. (2022). Side effects of “phantom pains”: How Bulgarian historical mythology derails North Macedonia’s EU accession. Comparative Southeast European Studies, 70(4), 722–739.</p>
<p>Buzan, B. (2003). Regions and powers: The structure of international security (Vol. 226). Cambridge University Press.</p>
<p>Crisis Group. (2020). Balkans smuggling routes: Shifting patterns and risks. International Crisis Group. <a href="https://www.crisisgroup.org/europe-central-asia/balkans">https://www.crisisgroup.org/europe-central-asia/balkans </a></p>
<p>Dobbins, J., Miller, L. E., Pezard, S., Chivvis, C. S., &amp; Taylor, J. E. (2013). Overcoming obstacles to peace: Local factors in nation-building. Rand Corporation.</p>
<p>Donnelly, J. (2015). The discourse of anarchy in IR. International Theory, 7(3), 393–425.</p>
<p>Dopchie, R., &amp; Lika, L. (2024). The EU enlargement strategy in the Western Balkans: Assessing the implications amidst the war in Ukraine. European Foreign Affairs Review, 29(2).</p>
<p>Hasic, J., Dzananovic, N., &amp; Mesihovic, L. (2020). “Implicit” contestations of EU foreign poli cy norm-domestication in Bosnia and Herzegovina and North Macedonia. Global Affairs, 6(4–5), 417–432. <a href="https://doi.org/10.1080/23340460.2021.1897952">https://doi.org/10.1080/23340460.2021.1897952 </a></p>
<p>Himes, A., &amp; Stronski, P. (2019). Russia’s game in the Balkans. Carnegie Endowment for Interna tional Peace.</p>
<p>IDSCS Institute for Democracy “Societas Civilis” – Skopje. (2023). Public opinion analysis paper No. 27. https://idscs.org.mk/wp-content/uploads/2023/12/B5-Public-Opinion-Analy sis-Paper-No.-27-2023-WEB.pdf</p>
<p>IDSCS Institute for Democracy “Societas Civilis” – Skopje. (2025, February 6). Analysis of public opinion on North Macedonia’s accession to the European Union (2014–2024). https://idscs.org. mk/en/2025/02/06/analysis-of-public-opinion-on-eu-accssesion-eng/</p>
<p>Jakesevic, R. (2024). Political and security implications of the Russian invasion of Ukraine in the Western Balkans. Balkan Social Science Review, 23, 389.</p>
<p>Koppa, M. E. (2001). Ethnic Albanians in the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia: Between nationality and citizenship. Nationalism and Ethnic Politics, 7(4), 37–65.</p>
<p>Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung. (2024, October 30). Siguria Kombëtare e Kosovës në kuadrin e BE-së [Kosovo’s National Security within the Framework of the EU]. https://www.kas.de/ documents/286052/0/Belegexemplar+24-10-30+Kosovo%27s+National+Security+Un der+the+EU+Framework+%28ALB%29.pdf/248f4d8a-958b-51bb-0ef8-8e23073f7020? version=1.0&amp;t=1731407548140</p>
<p>Korvela, P. E. (2018). Farewell to anarchy: The myth of international anarchy and birth of anar cophilia in international relations. Redescriptions: Political Thought, Conceptual History and Feminist Theory, 21(1).</p>
<p>Malaj, D., &amp; Mahmutaj, N. (2023). Assessing determinants and impact of possible Russian influ ence in the Western Balkan countries. Baltic Journal of Law &amp; Politics, 16(1), 148–173.</p>
<p>Manzinger, K. (2020). How do you want me to address you? – The Macedonian name dispute resolved. Acta Universitatis Sapientiae, European and Regional Studies, 17, 7–28.</p>
<p>Marolov, D. (2013). Understanding the Ohrid Framework Agreement. In Republic of Mace donia foreign policy: Diplomacy in the middle of the Balkans (pp. 134–154). https://doi. org/10.1057/9781137302823_8</p>
<p>Marolov, D. (2014). Republic of Macedonia foreign policy: Diplomacy in the middle of the Balkans. Cambridge Scholars Publishing.</p>
<p>Nacionale. (2024, September 26). Pandeli Majko: Sulmi në Banjskë, tentativë për të krijuar një Donbas serb në Kosovë [Pandeli Majko: Attack in Banjska, attempt to create a Serbian Don bas in Kosovo]. https://nacionale.com/politike/pandeli-majko-sulmi-ne-banjske-tentati ve-per-te-krijuar-nje-donbas-serb-ne-kosove</p>
<p>Nuhija, B. (2013). The impact of postponed accession of Republic of Macedonia in the Euro-At lantic structures to the inter-ethnic relations. New Balkan Politics, 13, 142.</p>
<p>Nyemann, D. B. (2023). Kosovo, Russia, Serbia. Politica, 56(1). https://doi.org/10.7146/politica. v55i2.137165</p>
<p>Pendarovski, S. (2012). Macedonian foreign policy: 1991–2011; Aspects of internal and international legitimacy. Magor.</p>
<p>Polovic, J. (2023). Russia and West: Geopolitical clash in the Western Balkans. Science, Art and Religion, 2(1–2), 56–67.</p>
<p>Radio Free Europe. (2009, November 2). BDI: Në NATO, BE me ose pa maqedonasit [DUI: In NATO, EU with or without the Macedonians].</p>
<p>Ramadani, I. (2024, September 27). Reagime pas ndarjes së Shqipërisë dhe Maqedonisë së Veri ut në procesin e integrimit evropian [Reactions after the separation of Albania and North Macedonia in the European integration process]. Zëri i Amerikës. https://www.zeriamerikes. com/a/7802134.html</p>
<p>Regí, J. (2024). La ampliación de la Unión Europea tras el conflicto de Ucrania [The enlargement of the European Union after the conflict in Ukraine]. Revista de Estudios en Seguridad Inter nacional, 10(1), 145–161. <a href="http://dx.doi.org/10.18847/1.19.9">http://dx.doi.org/10.18847/1.19.9 </a></p>
<p>Reka, A. (2008). The Ohrid Agreement: The travails of inter-ethnic relations in Macedonia. Hu man Rights Review, 9, 55–69.</p>
<p>Risteska, M. (2013). The role of the EU in promoting good governance in Macedonia: Towards efficiency and effectiveness or deliberative democracy? Nationalities Papers, 41(3), 431–446.</p>
<p>Scazzieri, L. (2021). Reviving European policy towards the Western Balkans. Centre for European Reform.</p>
<p>Serwer, D. (2019). Macedonia: Timely prevention works. In D. Serwer, From war to peace in the Balkans, the Middle East and Ukraine (pp. 53–70).</p>
<p>Šcepanovic, J. (2022). Russia, the Western Balkans, and the question of status. East European Politics and Societies and Cultures, 37(3), 1059–1083. <a href="https://doi.org/10.1177/08883254221130366">https://doi.org/10.1177/08883254221130366 </a></p>
<p>Stojanovic, M. (2024, September 30). After decoupling from Tirana, Skopje is left in a limbo and looking into foreign policy reorientation. European Western Balkans. https://europe anwesternbalkans.com/2024/09/30/after-decoupling-from-tirana-skopje-is-left-in-a-lim bo-and-looking-into-foreign-policy-reorientation/</p>
<p>Tcherneva, V. (2023). Before it’s too late: How the EU should support the Western Balkans’ EU accession. European Council on Foreign Relations (ECFR).</p>
<p>Taylor-Braçe, A., &amp; Gotev, G. (2024, September 26). Albania’s EU path decoupled from North Ma cedonia while Skopje remains in limbo. Euractiv. https://www.euractiv.com/section/politics/ news/albanias-eu-path-decoupled-from-north-macedonia-while-skopje-remains-in-limbo/</p>
<p>Todorova, M. (2009). Imagining the Balkans. Oxford University Press.</p>
<p>Vangelov, O. (2023). An analysis of Bulgaria’s rejection of the Macedonian ethno-linguistic iden tity and its implications. In Macedonia’s long transition: From independence to the Prespa Agre ement and beyond (pp. 207–222). Springer International Publishing.</p>
<p>Vankovska, B. (2017). Lilliputian foreign policy of a small state: The case of the Republic of Ma cedonia. Bezbednosni Dijalozi, 8(1–2), 31–46.</p>
<p>Vasilev, G. (2011). EU conditionality and ethnic coexistence in the Balkans: Macedonia and Bos nia in a comparative perspective. Ethnopolitics, 10(1), 51–76. https://doi.org/10.1080/174 49057.2010.535701</p>
<p>Zivotic, I., &amp; Obradovic, D. (2022). Spread of the Russian propaganda on Western Balkans – Case study in Serbia. In 45 Years Higher Education in the Area of Security – Educational Challenges and Security Perspectives (pp. 173–187). <a href="https://doi.org/10.20544/icp.3.7.22.p15">https://doi.org/10.20544/icp.3.7.22.p15 </a></p>
<p>360 Stepeni (2025, April 6). Против уставни измени за внесување на Бугарите во Уставот се 82% од Македонците и 11,3% од Албанците [82% of Macedonians and 11.3% of Albanians are against constitutional amendments to include Bulgarians in the Constitution]. https://360stepeni.mk/protiv-ustavni-izmeni-se-82-od-makedontsi te-i-11-3-od-albantsite/</p>]]></references>
    
            <keywords>EU, security shifts, North Macedonia, geopolitics, regional security</keywords>
    
    <date></date>

    <url>https://jlp.ibupress.com/articles/the-pivotal-role-of-eu-engagement-in-north-macedonia-internal-cohesion-implications-amid-geopolitical-challenges</url>

</article>