Volume 6, Issue 2 6 2 2025 2025-10-02 https://jlp.ibupress.com/issue/volume-6-issue-2 Journal of Law And Politics 2671-342X 2671-3438 Balkan University Press https://jlp.ibupress.com
QUEBECSTIONING IDENTITY: AN EXPLORATION OF THE QUEBEC QUESTION quebecstioning-identity-an-exploration-of-the-quebec-question Volume 6, Issue 2 Research Article 2025 6 The status of Quebec has been debated before its inception as a province. It has long sought greater autonomy within Canada, leading to ongoing debates about nationalism, federalism, and potential sovereignty. The Quebec question remains a central issue in Canadian politics, reflecting the province’s unique cultural, linguistic, and historical identity. This paper uses a mixed methodology to explore the historical background of the Quebec question and the current leanings of domestic and foreign actors to understand the scope of the situation. Two referendums on independence resulted in narrow defeats for sovereignty, but the desire for recognition as a distinct society persists. The province continues to assert its autonomy through increased international engagement and economic self-sufficiency. However, the economic and political consequences of secession pose significant challenges. While tensions have eased in recent years, debates about Quebec’s place in Canada remain relevant. Differing views on multiculturalism and federalism between Quebec and the rest of Canada complicate efforts to resolve the issue. This article concludes that despite the ongoing tension and debate, Quebec will remain a part of Canada. Moving forward, a complete resolution to the Quebec question will require continued dialogue, compromise, and respect for the province’s identity within the broader Canadian framework. 

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Burgess, J. (2012, July 10). Oh, (No) Canada!. The New York Times. https://archive.nytimes.com/opinionator.blogs.nytimes.com/2012/07/10/oh-no-canada/index.html

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Ciufo, C. L. (2012). PARTIPRIESTS and FRÈREQUISTES? Parti Pris, the Front de libération du Québec, and the Catholicity of Québécois Anticlericalism, 1963-1970 [Master’s thesis, Queen’s University]. https://www.proquest.com/docview/1511455369?pq-origsite=gscholar&fromopenview=true

Clarke, H. D. (1983). The Parti Québécois and Sources of Partisan Realignment in Contemporary Quebec. The Journal of Politics, 45(1), 64–85. https://doi.org/10.2307/2130325

Crelinsten, R. D. (2001). The Internal Dynamics of the FLQ During the October Crisis of 1970. In D. C. Rapoport (Ed.), Inside Terrorist Organizations (pp. 59–89). Frank Cass.

Cuccioletta, D., & Lubin, M. (2011). The Quebec Quiet Revolution: A Noisy Evolution. In M. D. Behiels & M. Hayday (Eds.), Contemporary Quebec: Selected Readings and Commentaries (pp. 182–197). McGill-Queen’s Press.

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Duchesne, E., Eagles, M., & Erfle, S. (2003). Constituency Homogeneity, Economic Risk and Support for Quebec Sovereignty: A Research Note. Canadian Journal of Political Science, 36(3), 643–656. https://doi.org/10.1017/s0008423903778809

Dufour, P. (2008). From Protest to Partisan Politics: When and How Collective Actors Cross the Line? Sociological Perspective on Québec Solidaire. Canadian Journal of Sociology, 34(1), 55–82. https://doi.org/10.29173/cjs591

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Foot, R. (2016, February 7). Separatism in Canada. The Canadian Encyclopedia. https://www.thecanadianencyclopedia.ca/en/article/separatism

Froman, M. (2025, March 14). What’s the matter with Canada? Council on Foreign Relations. https://www.cfr.org/article/whats-matter-canada

Gagnon, A.-G., & Lachapelle, G. (1996). Québec Confronts Canada: Two Competing Societal Projects Searching for Legitimacy. Publius: The Journal of Federalism, 26(3), 177–191. https://doi.org/10.2307/3330627

Geloso, V. J., & Grier, K. B. (2022). Love on the rocks: The causal effects of separatist governments in Quebec. European Journal of Political Economy, 71, 102088. https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0176268021000781#sec2

Hazel, K.-J. (2001). The Media and Nationalism in Québec: a complex relationship. Journalism Studies, 2(1), 93–107. https://doi.org/10.1080/14616700120021829

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Mendelsohn, M. (2002). Measuring national identity and patterns of attachment: Quebec and nationalist mobilization. Nationalism and Ethnic Politics, 8(3), 72–94. https://doi.org/10.1080/13537110208428670

Meren, D. (2012). With Friends Like These: Entangled Nationalisms and the Canada-Quebec-France Triangle, 1944-1970. UBC Press.

Miranda, A. C. (2013). CANADÁ Y LA CUESTIÓN DE QUEBEC (II): La separación-integración de Quebec en la Federación Canadiense. Cuadernos de Pensamiento Político, 83-105. https://www.jstor.org/stable/23511962

Nahmias, J. (2020). Pragmatic Conservative Nationalism: The Coalition Avenir Quebec. [Master’s thesis, The University of Western Ontario]. https://ir.lib.uwo.ca/politicalscience_maresearchpapers/5

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Perrella, A. M. L., Brown, S. D., & Kay, B. J. (2012). Voting Behaviour among the Gay, Lesbian, Bisexual and Transgendered Electorate. Canadian Journal of Political Science, 45(1), 89–117. https://doi.org/10.1017/s000842391100093x

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Rocher, F. (2014). Self-determination and the Use of Referendums: The Case of Quebec. International Journal of Politics, Culture, and Society, 27(1), 25–45. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10767-013-9167-2

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]]> Identity, sovereignty, independence, Québécois, Canada 2025-10-02 https://jlp.ibupress.com/articles/quebecstioning-identity-an-exploration-of-the-quebec-question 2 1-20 en CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ https://jlp.ibupress.com/file/9nVIIZ0dhBt/87.pdf Abigail Brown IE University true Marta Rodríguez-Ramiro Zabaña Innovation Europe Journal of Law And Politics 2671-342X 2671-3438 Balkan University Press https://jlp.ibupress.com
AI AS AN EARLY WARNING SYSTEM: A FRAMEWORK FOR NGOS TO PREDICT FAILURES IN ENVIRONMENTAL POLICY IMPLEMENTATION ai-as-an-early-warning-system-a-framework-for-ngos-to-predict-failures-in-environmental-policy-implementation Volume 6, Issue 2 Research Article 2025 6 Environmental policies, though often ambitious in their conception, frequently falter during implementation due to a complex mix of po litical, economic, and social factors. This well-documented “imple mentation gap” creates a significant challenge for Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs), which have traditionally operated in a reactive capacity, addressing environmental damage only after it has occurred. This paper puts forward a novel conceptual framework for an Artificial Intelligence-powered Early Warning System (EWS) designed to shift these organizations to a proactive and predictive model of advocacy. At its core, the system synthesizes varied, publicly available data streams to detect leading indicators of policy failure. It integrates computer vision to analyze satellite imagery for physical changes, Natural Language Processing (NLP) to monitor political and media discourse for shifts in sentiment and priority, and machine learning to analyze quantitative data and map complex networks. By systematically identifying subtle yet practical signals—such as resource deficits, negative discourse, and adverse lobbying activities—the EWS generates a predictive “failure risk score” for specific policies. This score is designed to equip NGOs to concentrate their limited resources on the most at-risk policies. As demonstrated through a detailed case study on corporate “No Deforest ation” pledges in the Indonesian palm oil sector, the framework allows NGOs to engage policymakers with compelling, data-driven evidence before irreversible setbacks occur. This paper details the framework’s architecture, outlines a methodology for its application, and considers its potential to redefine environmental advocacy by transforming data into pre-emptive action.

]]> Aklin, M., Bayer, P., Harish, S. P., & Urpelainen, J. (2014). Who blames corruption for the poor enforcement of environmental laws? Environmental Economics and Policy Studies, 16(4), 365–384.

 

Al-Maliki, S., Qayyum, A., Ali, H., Abdallah, M., Qadir, J., Hoang, D. T., Niyato, D., & Al-Fuqaha, A. (2023). Adversarial machine learning for social good: Reframing the adversary as an ally. arXiv. https://doi.org/10.48550/arXiv.2310.03614

 

Balboa, C. M. (2018). The paradox of scale: How NGOs build, maintain, and lose authority in environmental governance. MIT Press.

 

Burt, E., & Taylor, J. (2021). AI unlocking the potential of NGOs. International Journal of Research and Innovation in Social Science, 9(7), 5184–5197.

 

Cano, A. (Ed.). (2020). Social media and machine learning. IntechOpen.

 

Daly, E., & May, J. (2020). Environmental constitutionalism and the implementation gap. International Journal of Constitutional Law, 18(1), 308–312.

 

Fundraising.AI. (2025). A framework toward responsible and beneficial AI for fundraising. Fundraising.AI. https://fundraising.ai/

 

Hansen, M. C., et al. (2013). High-resolution global maps of 21st-century forest cover change. Science, 342(6160), 850–853.

 

Joppa, L. (2019, April 17). AI for Earth [Audio podcast]. In Microsoft Research Podcast. Microsoft.

 

Kim, E. (2020). The limits of NGO-led environmental governance: The case of forest certification in Indonesia. Third World Quarterly, 41(3), 497–516.

 

Lawal, A. M., Vincent-Akpu, I. F., & Woke, G. N. (2023). Evaluation of stakeholder perceptions and applicability of artificial intelligence integration into environmental impact assessment processes in Nigeria. Journal of Environmental Science and Sustainable Development, 6(2), 1–15.

 

Onuche, J. (2025). Enhancing non-profit efficiency and impact through data-driven strategies: Addressing challenges and leveraging emerging technologies – A literature review. Texila International Journal of Management, 11(1), 1–12.

 

Sampedro, J., & Larrabide, I. (2020). A review on the application of text mining to the analysis of scientific and technical information in the energy sector. IEEE Access, 8, 211833–211847.

 

Torrance, A. W., & Tomlinson, B. (2025). Organic websites: Certification of AI-generated or human-written content on the internet. Chicago-Kent Journal of Intellectual Property, 24(1), 72–100.

 

Zavodna, L. S., Überwimmer, M., & Frankus, E. (2025). Barriers to the implementation of artificial intelligence in small and medium sized enterprises: Pilot study. Journal of Competitiveness, 17(1), 332–345.

]]> Artificial intelligence (AI), non-governmental organizations (NGOs), environmental policy, early warning system (EWS), implementation gap 2025-10-02 https://jlp.ibupress.com/articles/ai-as-an-early-warning-system-a-framework-for-ngos-to-predict-failures-in-environmental-policy-implementation 2 21-32 en CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ https://jlp.ibupress.com/file/2pCr35eL1cg/88.pdf Blagoja Naumoski Guli University of Information Science and Technology St. Paul the Apostle, Ohrid, N. Macedonia true Journal of Law And Politics 2671-342X 2671-3438 Balkan University Press https://jlp.ibupress.com
DICTATORIAL PEACE: CONSTRAINTS ON AUTOCRATS WAGING WARS dictatorial-peace-constraints-on-autocrats-waging-wars Volume 6, Issue 2 Research Article 2025 6 The democratic peace theory, a long-accepted axiom of international relations, posits that democracies rarely, if ever, fight other democracies. This is attributed to a combination of shared values, institutional constraints, economic interdependence, and public accountability of leaders. Consequently, it is assumed that other regime types are less reliable in observing international peace. However, this generalisation fails to account for the many instances of non-bellicose autocracies. Hence, in recent decades the study of international relations has expanded to explore the possibility of a phenomenon called dictatorial/autocratic peace. The paper analyses literature that studies the conflict proneness of autocratic regimes toward other autocracies and democracies. It finds that, similarly to democratic leaders, authoritarians are faced with a variety of constraints in initiating or continuing wars. These constraints can be institutional, economic, and normative. There is evidence to support that peace is more likely between two authoritarian countries of similar regime types, especially dyads of single-party states. The research shows that autocracies face costs and limitations that should deter them from initiating war with democracies. It challenges the general assumption that democratic leaders are more accountable than autocratic leaders because they may lose the next elections. The paper finds that the domestic liability in case of engaging in a losing war for authoritarian regimes can sometimes be higher than in democracies, as autocrats face threats to their power and life.

]]> Bennett, S. D. (2006). Toward a Continuous Specification of the Democracy-Autocracy Connection. International Studies Quarterly, 50(2), 313-338. doi:10.1111/j.1468-2478.2006.00404.x

Carnegie, A., Kertzer, J. D., & Yarhi-Milo, K. (2022). Democratic Peace and Covert Military Force: An Experimental Test. Journal of Conflict Resolution, 67(2-3), 235-265. doi:10.1177/00220027221116289

Debs, A. (2010). Economic theories of dictatorship. The Economics of Peace and Security Journal, 5(1), 20–25. doi:10.15355/epsj.5.1.20

De Mesquita, B.B., Morrow, J., Siverson, R., & Smith, A. (1999). An Institutional Explanation of the Democratic Peace. American Political Science Review, 93 (4), 791-812. doi:10.2307/2586113

De Mesquita, B. B., & Smith, A. (2010). Leader Survival, Revolutions, and the Nature of Government Finance. American Journal of Political Science, 54(4), 936–950. doi: 10.1111/j.1540-5907.2010.00463.x

Ezrow, N. M., & Frantz, E. (2011). Dictators and dictatorships: Understanding authoritarian regimes and their leaders. New York: Bloomsbury Publishing.

Frantz, E. (2007). The International Conflict Behavior of Dictatorships from an Audience Cost Perspective. SSRN. doi: 10.2139/ssrn.975158

Gartzke, E. (2001). Democracy and the Preparation for War: Does Regime Type Affect States’ Anticipation of Casualties?. International Studies Quarterly, 45, 467-484. doi:10.1111/0020-8833.00210

Gartzke, E., Li, Q., & Boehmer, C. (2001). Investing in the Peace: Economic Interdependence and International Conflict. International Organization, 55(2), 391-438. doi:10.1162/00208180151140612

Geddes, B. (1999, September 2-5). Authoritarian Breakdown: Empirical Test of a Game-Theoretic Argument [Conference Presentation]. 95th Annual Meeting of the American Political Science Association, Atlanta, GA, United States.

Hegre, H., Ellingsen, T., Gates S., & Gleditsch, N.P., (2001). Toward a Democratic Civil Peace?: Democracy, Political Change, and Civil War, 1816-1992. American Political Science Review, 95(1), 33–48. doi:10.1017/S0003055401000119

Imai, K., & Lo, J. (2021). Robustness of Empirical Evidence for the Democratic Peace: A Nonparametric Sensitivity Analysis. International Organization, 75(3), 901–919. doi:10.1017/S0020818321000126

Levin, D.H., (2016). When the Great Power Gets a Vote: The Effects of Great Power Electoral Interventions on Election Results. International Studies Quarterly, 60(2), 189–202. doi:10.1093/isq/sqv016

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Levy, G., & Razin, R. (2004). It Takes Two: An Explanation for the Democratic Peace. Journal of the European Economic Association, 2(1), 1–29. http://www.jstor.org/stable/40004867

Magaloni, B. (2008). Credible power-sharing and the longevity of authoritarian rule. Comparative Political Studies, 41(4–5), 715–741. doi:10.1177/0010414007313124

Marin, A., (2016). Does State Violence Translate into a More Bellicose Foreign Behavior? Domestic Predictors of International Conflict-Propensity in Post-Soviet Eurasia. Journal of Soviet and Post-Soviet Politics and Society, 2(2), 11-66. doi:10.24216/97723645330050202_02

Müllerson, R. (2012, August 22). From democratic peace theory to forcible regime change. Eurozine. https://www.eurozine.com/from-democratic-peace-theory-to-forcible-regime-change/?pdf

Oneal, J. R., & Russett, B. M. (1997). The Classical Liberals Were Right: Democracy, Interdependence, and Conflict, 1950–1985. International Studies Quarterly, 41(2), 267-294. doi:10.1111/1468-2478.00042

Oren, I., & Hays, J. (1997). Democracies May Rarely Fight One Another, but Developed Socialist States Rarely Fight at All. Alternatives: Global, Local, Political, 22(4), 493-521. doi:10.1177/030437549702200403

O’Rourke, L. A., (2018). Covert Regime Change: America’s Secret Cold War. Cornell University Press.

Peceny, M., Beer, C. C., & Sanchez-Terry, S. (2002). Dictatorial Peace?. American Political Science Review, 96 (1), 15-26. doi:10.1017/S0003055402004203

Peceny, M., & Butler, C, K. (2004). The Conflict Behavior of Authoritarian Regimes. International Policies, 41, 565-581. doi:10.1057/palgrave.ip.8800093

Reiter, D., & Stam, A. C. (2003). Identifying the Culprit: Democracy, Dictatorship, and Dispute Initiation. The American Political Science Review, 97(2), 333–337. http://www.jstor.org/stable/3118212

Richmond, O.P. (2025). Peace in an Authoritarian International Order Versus Peace in the Liberal International Order, International Affairs, 101(4), 1381–1401. doi:10.1093/ia/iiaf076

Rosato, S. (2003). The Flawed Logic of Democratic Peace Theory. The American Political Science Review, 97(4), 585-602. doi:10.1017/S0003055403000893

Rousseau, D. L., Gelpi, C., Reiter, D., & Huth, P.K., (1996). Assessing the Dyadic Nature of the Democratic Peace, 1918–1988. American Political Science Review, 90(3), 512–533.

Economist Intelligence Unit. (2025) Democracy Index 2024. https://www.eiu.com/n/campaigns/democracy-index-2024/

Weeks, J. L. (2008). Autocratic Audience Costs: Regime Type and Signaling Resolve. International Organization, 62(1), 35–64. doi:10.1017/S0020818308080028

Weeks, J. (2012). Strongmen and Straw Men: Authoritarian Regimes and the Initiation of International Conflict. American Political Science Review, 106(2), 326-347. doi:10.1017/S0003055412000111

Weeks, J. (2014). Dictators at war and peace. Cornell University Press.

Yee, A. (2011). Autocratic Peace and the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation. East Asia Forum. http://www.eastasiaforum.org/2011/05/11/autocratic-peace-and-the-shanghai-cooperation-organisation/

]]> Democratic peace theory, dictatorial peace, autocratic regimes, conflict, power 2025-10-02 https://jlp.ibupress.com/articles/dictatorial-peace-constraints-on-autocrats-waging-wars 2 33-44 en CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ https://jlp.ibupress.com/file/3koN7xWnGnr/89.pdf Mare Ushkovska International Balkan University, Skopje, North Macedonia true Journal of Law And Politics 2671-342X 2671-3438 Balkan University Press https://jlp.ibupress.com
THE SYMBIOTIC RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN MEDIA AND TERRORISM the-symbiotic-relationship-between-media-and-terrorism Volume 6, Issue 2 Research Article 2025 6 This study examines the evolving relationship between media and ter rorism in the contemporary world. The global expansion of terrorism, particularly following the 9/11 attacks, has been facilitated by techno logical advancements and globalization, allowing terrorist organizations to extend their reach and operational capabilities. Concurrently, the development of new media, driven by communication technologies and the Internet, has transformed media into a social and cultural arena with global accessibility. The paper highlights the symbiotic relationship between media and terrorism, noting that media not only amplify the impact of terrorist acts but also enable the dissemination of ideology, recruitment, and operational coordination. The study emphasizes that this relationship is complex, dynamic, and multi-dimensional, and it can not be analyzed in a unilateral or subjective manner. Understanding the interplay between media and terrorism is crucial for developing effective strategies to mitigate the global threat posed by contemporary terrorism. 

]]> Alkan, N. (2013). Gençlik ve radikalizm (1st ed.). Kara Kutu Yayınları.

Ayhan, H. (2025). Terör kavramı, Güvenlik Konseyi ve Genel Kurul özelinde Birleşmiş Milletler’in 2001 sonrası terör yaklaşımı. Güvenlik Stratejileri, 11(21), 117–130. https://dergipark.org.tr/tr/download/article-file/84596

Bassiouni, M. C. (1983). Problems in media coverage of nonstate-sponsored terror-violence incidents. In L. Z. Freedman & Y. Alexander (Eds.), Perspectives on terrorism (pp. 177–200). Scholarly Resources.

Brunst, P. W. (2010). Terrorism and the Internet: New threats posed by cyberterrorism and terrorist use of the Internet. In M. Wade & A. Maljevic (Eds.), A war on terror? The European stance on a new threat, changing laws and human rights implications (pp. 51–79). Springer. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-0-387-89291-7_3

Brown, M. E., Coté, O. R., Lynn-Jones, S. M., & Miller, S. E. (Eds.). (2010). Contending with terrorism: Roots, strategies, and responses. MIT Press. https://www.belfercenter.org/publication/contending-terrorism-roots-strategies-and-responses

Ceylan, A. K. (2012). Terör (1st ed.). Yeni Yüzyıl Yayınları.

Conway, M. (2007). Terrorism and the making of the ‘New Middle East’: New media strategies of Hizbollah and al Qaeda (Working Paper No. 7). Centre for International Studies, Dublin City University. https://doras.dcu.ie/2144/1/2008-7.pdf

Crelinsten, R. D. (1989). Terrorism and the media: Problems, solutions, and counterproblems. Political Communication, 6(4), 311–339. https://doi.org/10.1080/10584609.1989.9962881

Dean, G., Bell, P., & Newman, J. (2012). The dark side of social media: Review of online terrorism. Pakistan Journal of Criminology, 3(3), 107–126.

Ekinci, N. (2016). Medya bataklığında büyüyen bir sorun: Terörizm. Karadeniz Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi, 8(15), 217–236.

Erdogan, I. (2013). Küreselleşme olgusu bağlamında yeni güvenlik algısı. Gazi Akademik Bakış, 6(12), 265–292.

Eugenis, K. (2013). Who will tell the story? Terrorism’s relationship with the international news media (Master’s thesis, University of Nevada, Las Vegas). UNLV Digital Scholarship Repository. https://oasis.library.unlv.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=2823&context=thesesdissertations

Flory, M., & Higgins, R. (Eds.). (2014). Terrorism and international law. Routledge. https://www.routledge.com/Terrorism-and-International-Law/Flory-Higgins/p/book/9781138874329

Gitelman, L. (2006). Always already new: Media, history, and the data of culture. MIT Press. https://www.mediastudies.asia/wp-content/uploads/2016/10/Gitelman-Always-Already-New-Intro-excerpts.pdf

Hoffman, B. (2006). Inside terrorism (2nd ed.). Columbia University Press.

Hoffman, B. (2017). Inside terrorism (3rd ed.). Columbia University Press. https://cup.columbia.edu/book/inside-terrorism/9780231174770

Hollingsworth, M., & Stewart-Mole, K. (2003). How to get into television, radio and new media. Continuum.

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Kanat, S. (2014). Terörizmin dünü, bugünü yarını: Siyasal gerçekçi bir değerlendirme. Süleyman Demirel Üniversitesi İktisadi ve İdari Bilimler Fakültesi Dergisi, 19(3), 195–210.

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Laqueur, W. (2006). The new terrorism: Fanaticism and the arms of mass destruction. Oxford University Press. https://public.ebookcentral.proquest.com/choice/publicfullrecord.aspx?p=273087

Lee, K. (2015). Social media and terrorism. ASA Institute for Risk & Innovation, 2.

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Matusitz, J. (2012). Terrorism and communication: A critical introduction (1st ed.). SAGE Publications.

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McQueeney, K. (2014). Disrupting Islamophobia: Teaching the social construction of terrorism in the mass media. International Journal of Teaching and Learning in Higher Education, 26(2), 297–309. https://files.eric.ed.gov/fulltext/EJ1060841.pdf

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Smith, M., & İgoe Walsh, J. (2013). Do drone strikes degrade Al Qaeda? Evidence from propaganda output. Terrorism and Political Violence, 25, 314. Routledge.

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]]> Terrorism, media, new media, globalization, propaganda 2025-10-02 https://jlp.ibupress.com/articles/the-symbiotic-relationship-between-media-and-terrorism 2 45-64 en CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ https://jlp.ibupress.com/file/3kdqAZzkecG/90.pdf Flamur Ismaili International Balkan University, Skopje, North Macedonia true Journal of Law And Politics 2671-342X 2671-3438 Balkan University Press https://jlp.ibupress.com
LEGAL VIOLENCE IN POSTCOLONIAL SOUTH ASIA: TYPOLOGIES OF EXCLUSION AND THE POLITICS OF CITIZENSHIP LAW legal-violence-in-postcolonial-south-asia-typologies-of-exclusion-and-the-politics-of-citizenship-law Volume 6, Issue 2 Research Article 2025 6 This article explores how postcolonial states in South Asia employ citizenship law as an instrument of ‘legal violence’. It argues that India, Myanmar, and Bangladesh have repurposed the colonial legacies of classification, division, and bureaucratic control to disenfranchise and marginalise certain groups. Taking inspiration from critical legal studies and postcolonial theories, this article demonstrates that law, commonly presented as neutral and objective, is a political instrument with the power to suspend rights and reinterpret identity and belonging. Three different and yet interlinked forms of legal violence have been identified. In India, procedural violence takes the form of legal instruments such as the National Register of Citizens and Citizenship Amendment Act, which together have been deliberately designed to exclude Muslims from their status and rights as citizens. In Myanmar, annihilative violence is institutionalised via the 1982 Citizenship Law, which reduces the Rohingya to a state of non-citizenship and, in formal ensure, brings statelessness and persecution. In Bangladesh, attritional violence is experienced by the marginalized minorities in terms of administrative neglect. Together, these cases help to reveal how postcolonial citizenship regimes recycle colonial logics, produce statelessness, and undermine inclusive democracy.

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Bahn, D. (2019, August 23). Most people left out of NRC are suffering from trauma and humiliation, finds survey. The New Indian Express.
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Bhattacharjee, M. (2024). Statelessness of an ethnic minority: The case of Rohingya. Frontiers in Political Science, 6, 1144493.

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Biswas, S. (2018). Gandhi, Ambedkar and British policy on the communal award. Studies in People’s History, 5(1), 48–64.

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Bose, S., & Sarkar, S. (2023). Labour coercion and commodification: From the British Empire to postcolonial migration states. Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, 50(3), 657–674.
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Chakma, A. (Ed.). (2023). Human Rights Annual Report 2022 on Indigenous Peoples in Bangladesh: Women and Girls. Kapaeeng Foundation.
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Cheesman, N. (2017). How in Myanmar 'National Races' came to surpass citizenship and exclude Rohingya. Journal of Contemporary Asia, 47(1), 1–24.
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Gravers, M. (2015). Disorder as order: The ethno-nationalist struggle of the Karen in Burma/Myanmar—A discussion of the dynamics of an ethicized civil war and its historical roots. Journal of Burma Studies, 19(1), 27–78.
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Muquim, N. (2023). The Urdu-speaking community of Bangladesh: Forgotten denizens or putative citizens? 37 Emory International Law Review, 689

Prasse-Freeman, E. (2023). Reassessing reification: Ethnicity amidst “failed” governmentality in Burma and India. Comparative Studies in Society and History, 65(3), 670–701.
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]]> Legal violence, postcolonial citizenship, critical legal studies, statelessness, minority rights 2025-10-02 https://jlp.ibupress.com/articles/legal-violence-in-postcolonial-south-asia-typologies-of-exclusion-and-the-politics-of-citizenship-law 2 65-80 en CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ https://jlp.ibupress.com/file/2WzVH76wu36/91.pdf Md. Tarik Morshed Khulna University, Khulna, Bangladesh true Journal of Law And Politics 2671-342X 2671-3438 Balkan University Press https://jlp.ibupress.com
VICTIMS OF VIOLENT EXTREMISM victims-of-violent-extremism Volume 6, Issue 2 Research Article 2025 6 In the present era, humanity is confronted with a wide range of challenges across different spheres of life, with security and economic issues standing out as the most pressing. Phenomena such as terrorism, radicalization, violent extremism, insecurity, poverty, and unemployment have become enduring concerns for both individuals and societies worldwide. These conditions underscore the necessity of examining the problem within the framework of scientific inquiry. Furthermore, an additional factor that motivates such research is the frequent association, within contemporary discourse, of violent extremism with Islam. By examining the origins, forms, and driving factors of extremism, along with its consequences for victims and the broader dimensions linked to this phenomenon, the objective is to establish a comprehensive knowl edge framework regarding this complex and detrimental issue. Such an analytical approach is essential for gaining a deeper understanding of the scope and repercussions of extremism, which, even when not directly experienced by every individual, inevitably produces indirect effects on social, political, and economic structures. In this way, the analysis contributes not only to the advancement of scholarly understanding of extremism but also provides a foundation for developing policies and protective strategies aimed at preventing and mitigating its influence at both the individual and collective levels. Within this framework, the research is directed along two primary dimensions: first, toward analyzing and conceptualizing violent extrem ism as a phenomenon that generates deeply harmful effects on both individuals and society; and second, toward exploring the mechanisms and opportunities available for safeguarding communities from its risks and consequences, including approaches to addressing the needs and treatment of its victims. 

]]> Akkoc, R. (2015). Mapped: The countries facing the greatest threat from terrorism. The Telegraph. https://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/islamic-state/11629161/Mapped-The-countries-facing-the-greatest-threat-from-Islamic-extremists.html

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Veseli, S. (2018). Countering violent extremism: Comparative Balkan aspects. Tetovo.

 

 

 

 

]]> Violent extremism, victim, violence 2025-10-02 https://jlp.ibupress.com/articles/victims-of-violent-extremism 2 81-92 en CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ https://jlp.ibupress.com/file/GZxvr5IPbwy/92.pdf Shkelqim Veseli South East European University, Tetovo, North Macedonia true Besa Arifi South East European University, Tetovo, North Macedonia Journal of Law And Politics 2671-342X 2671-3438 Balkan University Press https://jlp.ibupress.com
MENTAL HEALTH, POVERTY, RISKS, AND EQUALITY FOR INCARCERATED GIRLS (AGES 14–17) IN NORTH MACEDONIA AND ITALY mental-health-poverty-risks-and-equality-for-incarcerated-girls-ages-14-17-in-north-macedonia-and-italy Volume 6, Issue 2 Research Article 2025 6 This paper examines the intersecting issues of mental health, poverty, and systemic inequality affecting incarcerated girls aged 14 to 17 in North Macedonia and Italy. Although constituting a small proportion of the juvenile justice population—only 2.6% in Italy and even fewer in North Macedonia—these girls face disproportionately severe vulnerabilities. The paper analyzes the socio-economic and psychological profiles of incarcerated girls, highlighting the overrepresentation of marginalized groups such as foreign-born minors in Italy and Romani youth in North Macedonia. It explores how poverty, lack of education, and absence of family or community support contribute to incarceration and complicate reintegration post-release. The study further investigates institutional shortcomings, including inadequate mental health services, the absence of girl-specific correctional infrastructure, and limited access to gen der-sensitive rehabilitation programs. Drawing on national reports, EU legal frameworks, and recent legal and policy reforms, the paper calls for a rights-based, gender-responsive approach that includes educational continuity, mental health support, and non-custodial alternatives. The analysis demonstrates that a shift from punitive to rehabilitative, community-based models is essential to protect and empower one of the most vulnerable groups in Europe’s justice systems. 

]]> Antigone. (2024). Nodo alla gola: Report on conditions of juvenile detention in Italy. Antigone. https://www.antigone.it/upload/NODO_ALLA_GOLA_Eng.pdf

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Dimoski, A. (2023). Quarter of country’s population to drop below poverty line by end of 2023: Economist. MIA News. https://new.mia.mk/en/story/quarter-of-countrys-population-to-drop-below-poverty-line-by-end-of-2023-economist

European Commission. (2021, March 24). EU strategy on the rights of the child (COM[2021] 142 final). https://eur-lex.europa.eu/legal-content/EN/TXT/HTML/?uri=CELEX:52021DC0142

European Roma Rights Centre (ERRC). (2024). Groundbreaking Supreme Court judgment for Romani children denied education in juvenile detention in North Macedonia. ERRC. https://www.errc.org/press-releases/groundbreaking-supreme-court-judgment-for-romani-children-denied-education-in-juvenile-detention-in-north-macedonia

Fondazione Compagnia di San Paolo. (2024). Seventh Antigone report on juvenile justice. Compagnia di San Paolo. https://www.compagniadisanpaolo.it/en/news-en/seventh-antigone-report-on-juvenile-justice/

Nikolic, N. (2024). U.S. State Dept: Authorities take measures to improve situation, but still cases of significant human rights issues. MIA News. https://mia.mk/en/story/u.s.-state-dept-authorities-take-measures-to-improve-situation-but-still-cases-of-significant-human-rights-issues

Quraishi, F. (2013). Enhancing mental health advocacy for girls in the juvenile justice system. National Center for Youth Law. https://youthlaw.org/news/enhancing-mental-health-advocacy-girls-juvenile-justice-system

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]]> Juvenile justice, girls in detention, mental health, poverty, social exclusion, gender equality 2025-10-02 https://jlp.ibupress.com/articles/mental-health-poverty-risks-and-equality-for-incarcerated-girls-ages-14-17-in-north-macedonia-and-italy 2 93-108 en CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ https://jlp.ibupress.com/file/GCD3EJNsg7f/93.pdf Natasa Dimeska Cyril Methodius University, Skopje, North Macedonia true Marjan Dabeski University St. Kliment Ohridski, Kichevo, North Macedonia Journal of Law And Politics 2671-342X 2671-3438 Balkan University Press https://jlp.ibupress.com
THE ESSENCE OF THE EU’S STRATEGIC PARTNERSHIPS: RELATIONS BETWEEN THE EU AND THE USA AFTER THE IMPLEMENTATION OF THE LISBON TREATY the-essence-of-the-eu-s-strategic-partnerships-relations-between-the-eu-and-the-usa-after-the-implementation-of-the-lisbon-treaty Volume 6, Issue 2 Research Article 2025 6 In order to increase its strategic and autonomous capacity, the Euro pean Union needs greater visibility in its global partnerships. After the entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty, this issue became highly relevant, particularly in assessing the impact of the Treaty—namely, whether it contributed to the establishment of the EU as an actor both at the regional and global level. One of its main contributions was the attempt to create a framework that would strengthen the coherence and effectiveness of the EU in the field of foreign and, above all, security policy. The wars taking place today on a global scale pose a real challenge to the European foreign and security policy, putting pressure on EU institutions as well as member states for proactive engagement and wise collective decision-making. In order to deliver more in this regard, the EU’s partnerships with its strategic partners must be prioritized, because only through greater engagement with its partners can the EU remain focused on its interests. The emphasis in this paper is placed on analyzing the novelties intro duced by the Lisbon Treaty in redefining the EU as a global actor, and whether it enabled—or failed to enable—the achievement of political cohesion and greater authenticity of the EU in foreign policy and security cooperation with its strategic partners, above all with the United States. 

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Bindi, F. & Angelescu, I. (2012). The foreign policy of the European Union: Accessing Europe’s role in the world, 2nd editon, The Brookings Institution Press, Washington D.C. p. 25, 331-332

 

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]]> Strategic partnerships, treaty, policy, global power 2025-10-02 https://jlp.ibupress.com/articles/the-essence-of-the-eu-s-strategic-partnerships-relations-between-the-eu-and-the-usa-after-the-implementation-of-the-lisbon-treaty 2 109-120 en CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ https://jlp.ibupress.com/file/5K14zLye8zG/94.pdf Daniela Bochvarska Cyril Methodius University, Skopje, North Macedonia true Journal of Law And Politics 2671-342X 2671-3438 Balkan University Press https://jlp.ibupress.com
THE FACTUAL AND NORMATIVE DIMENSIONS OF EQUALITY the-factual-and-normative-dimensions-of-equality Volume 6, Issue 2 Research Article 2025 6 In order to be able to observe the dictates of equal treatment and material equality, it must become apparent, first, who is to be treated equally with whom and is the subject of material equality, and, second, what these dictates mean and entail. In response to the first question, a moral value such as dignity may be said to be decisive, but this position is unproductive and obscure. My alternative focuses on a characteristic that those who seek to be treated equally themselves share in common: rationality. Two or more beings are invariably considered each other’s equals in regard to a characteristic; this is what basic equality means. Several characteristics are possible; I argue that rationality is a nonrandom characteristic. Rational beings should, then, treat other rational beings equally, but this is not a moral demand; rather, self-interest is decisive. This provides the basis for formal equality. It is difficult, by contrast, to determine at what point the demands of material equality are met, for ‘material equality’ may be interpreted in various ways, and even if one adheres to a strict interpretation, it must be acknowledged that this is compatible with conflicting perspectives, none of which is compelling. 

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]]> Formal equality, material equality, rationality, self-interest 2025-10-02 https://jlp.ibupress.com/articles/the-factual-and-normative-dimensions-of-equality 2 121-138 en CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ https://jlp.ibupress.com/file/21xtFR32oqU/95.pdf Jasper Doomen Open University of Netherlands true Journal of Law And Politics 2671-342X 2671-3438 Balkan University Press https://jlp.ibupress.com