THE PIVOTAL ROLE OF EU ENGAGEMENT IN NORTH MACEDONIA: INTERNAL COHESION IMPLICATIONS AMID GEOPOLITICAL CHALLENGES

Leka, Gjeraqina; Ibraimi, Ebrar

doi:10.69648/PTOZ9634

Abstract

Keywords

References

Arnaudov, M. (2024). North Macedonia security threats in the third decade of XXI century: Instituti onal and political framework as a key determinant of instability. Arel USAM.
Bechev, D. (2017). Rival power: Russia’s influence in Southeast Europe. Yale University Press.
Bechev, D. (2023). The EU and dispute settlement: The case of the Macedonian name issue. East European Politics and Societies, 37(2), 698–717.
Belloni, R. (2016). The European Union blowback? Euroscepticism and its consequences in the Western Balkans. Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding, 10(4), 530–547. https://doi.org/10.1080/17502977.2016.1211387
Bertelsmann Stiftung. (2022). BTI 2022 Country report: North Macedonia. https://bti-project.org/ en/reports/country-report/MKD
Brunnbauer, U. (2022). Side effects of “phantom pains”: How Bulgarian historical mythology derails North Macedonia’s EU accession. Comparative Southeast European Studies, 70(4), 722–739. https://doi.org/10.1515/soeu-2022-0064
Buzan, B. (2003). Regions and powers: The structure of international security (Vol. 226). Cambridge University Press.
Crisis Group. (2020). Balkans smuggling routes: Shifting patterns and risks. International Crisis Group. https://www.crisisgroup.org/europe-central-asia/balkans
Dobbins, J., Miller, L. E., Pezard, S., Chivvis, C. S., & Taylor, J. E. (2013). Overcoming obstacles to peace: Local factors in nation-building. Rand Corporation.
Donnelly, J. (2015). The discourse of anarchy in IR. International Theory, 7(3), 393–425. https://doi.org/10.1017/s1752971915000111
Dopchie, R., & Lika, L. (2024). The EU enlargement strategy in the Western Balkans: Assessing the implications amidst the war in Ukraine. European Foreign Affairs Review, 29(2). https://doi.org/10.54648/eerr2024007
Hasic, J., Dzananovic, N., & Mesihovic, L. (2020). “Implicit” contestations of EU foreign poli cy norm-domestication in Bosnia and Herzegovina and North Macedonia. Global Affairs, 6(4–5), 417–432. https://doi.org/10.1080/23340460.2021.1897952
Himes, A., & Stronski, P. (2019). Russia’s game in the Balkans. Carnegie Endowment for Interna tional Peace.
IDSCS Institute for Democracy “Societas Civilis” – Skopje. (2023). Public opinion analysis paper No. 27. https://idscs.org.mk/wp-content/uploads/2023/12/B5-Public-Opinion-Analy sis-Paper-No.-27-2023-WEB.pdf
IDSCS Institute for Democracy “Societas Civilis” – Skopje. (2025, February 6). Analysis of public opinion on North Macedonia’s accession to the European Union (2014–2024). https://idscs.org. mk/en/2025/02/06/analysis-of-public-opinion-on-eu-accssesion-eng/
Jakesevic, R. (2024). Political and security implications of the Russian invasion of Ukraine in the Western Balkans. Balkan Social Science Review, 23, 389. https://doi.org/10.46763/bssr242323389j
Koppa, M. E. (2001). Ethnic Albanians in the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia: Between nationality and citizenship. Nationalism and Ethnic Politics, 7(4), 37–65. https://doi.org/10.1080/13537110108428644
Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung. (2024, October 30). Siguria Kombëtare e Kosovës në kuadrin e BE-së [Kosovo’s National Security within the Framework of the EU]. https://www.kas.de/ documents/286052/0/Belegexemplar+24-10-30+Kosovo%27s+National+Security+Un der+the+EU+Framework+%28ALB%29.pdf/248f4d8a-958b-51bb-0ef8-8e23073f7020? version=1.0&t=1731407548140
Korvela, P. E. (2018). Farewell to anarchy: The myth of international anarchy and birth of anar cophilia in international relations. Redescriptions: Political Thought, Conceptual History and Feminist Theory, 21(1). https://doi.org/10.7227/r.21.1.3
Malaj, D., & Mahmutaj, N. (2023). Assessing determinants and impact of possible Russian influ ence in the Western Balkan countries. Baltic Journal of Law & Politics, 16(1), 148–173. https://doi.org/10.2478/bjlp-2023-0008
Manzinger, K. (2020). How do you want me to address you? – The Macedonian name dispute resolved. Acta Universitatis Sapientiae, European and Regional Studies, 17, 7–28. https://doi.org/10.2478/auseur-2020-0001
Marolov, D. (2013). Understanding the Ohrid Framework Agreement. In Republic of Mace donia foreign policy: Diplomacy in the middle of the Balkans (pp. 134–154). https://doi. org/10.1057/9781137302823_8 https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137302823_8
Marolov, D. (2014). Republic of Macedonia foreign policy: Diplomacy in the middle of the Balkans. Cambridge Scholars Publishing.
Nacionale. (2024, September 26). Pandeli Majko: Sulmi në Banjskë, tentativë për të krijuar një Donbas serb në Kosovë [Pandeli Majko: Attack in Banjska, attempt to create a Serbian Don bas in Kosovo]. https://nacionale.com/politike/pandeli-majko-sulmi-ne-banjske-tentati ve-per-te-krijuar-nje-donbas-serb-ne-kosove
Nuhija, B. (2013). The impact of postponed accession of Republic of Macedonia in the Euro-At lantic structures to the inter-ethnic relations. New Balkan Politics, 13, 142.
Nyemann, D. B. (2023). Kosovo, Russia, Serbia. Politica, 56(1). https://doi.org/10.7146/politica. v55i2.137165
Pendarovski, S. (2012). Macedonian foreign policy: 1991–2011; Aspects of internal and international legitimacy. Magor.
Polovic, J. (2023). Russia and West: Geopolitical clash in the Western Balkans. Science, Art and Religion, 2(1–2), 56–67. https://doi.org/10.5005/jp-journals-11005-0043
Radio Free Europe. (2009, November 2). BDI: Në NATO, BE me ose pa maqedonasit [DUI: In NATO, EU with or without the Macedonians].
Ramadani, I. (2024, September 27). Reagime pas ndarjes së Shqipërisë dhe Maqedonisë së Veri ut në procesin e integrimit evropian [Reactions after the separation of Albania and North Macedonia in the European integration process]. Zëri i Amerikës. https://www.zeriamerikes. com/a/7802134.html
Regí, J. (2024). La ampliación de la Unión Europea tras el conflicto de Ucrania [The enlargement of the European Union after the conflict in Ukraine]. Revista de Estudios en Seguridad Inter nacional, 10(1), 145–161. http://dx.doi.org/10.18847/1.19.9
Reka, A. (2008). The Ohrid Agreement: The travails of inter-ethnic relations in Macedonia. Hu man Rights Review, 9, 55–69. https://doi.org/10.1007/s12142-007-0029-z
Risteska, M. (2013). The role of the EU in promoting good governance in Macedonia: Towards efficiency and effectiveness or deliberative democracy? Nationalities Papers, 41(3), 431–446. https://doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2013.769504
Scazzieri, L. (2021). Reviving European policy towards the Western Balkans. Centre for European Reform.
Serwer, D. (2019). Macedonia: Timely prevention works. In D. Serwer, From war to peace in the Balkans, the Middle East and Ukraine (pp. 53–70).
Šcepanovic, J. (2022). Russia, the Western Balkans, and the question of status. East European Politics and Societies and Cultures, 37(3), 1059–1083. https://doi.org/10.1177/08883254221130366
Stojanovic, M. (2024, September 30). After decoupling from Tirana, Skopje is left in a limbo and looking into foreign policy reorientation. European Western Balkans. https://europe anwesternbalkans.com/2024/09/30/after-decoupling-from-tirana-skopje-is-left-in-a-lim bo-and-looking-into-foreign-policy-reorientation/
Tcherneva, V. (2023). Before it’s too late: How the EU should support the Western Balkans’ EU accession. European Council on Foreign Relations (ECFR).
Taylor-Braçe, A., & Gotev, G. (2024, September 26). Albania’s EU path decoupled from North Ma cedonia while Skopje remains in limbo. Euractiv. https://www.euractiv.com/section/politics/ news/albanias-eu-path-decoupled-from-north-macedonia-while-skopje-remains-in-limbo/
Todorova, M. (2009). Imagining the Balkans. Oxford University Press.
Vangelov, O. (2023). An analysis of Bulgaria’s rejection of the Macedonian ethno-linguistic iden tity and its implications. In Macedonia’s long transition: From independence to the Prespa Agre ement and beyond (pp. 207–222). Springer International Publishing. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-20773-0_11
Vankovska, B. (2017). Lilliputian foreign policy of a small state: The case of the Republic of Ma cedonia. Bezbednosni Dijalozi, 8(1–2), 31–46. https://doi.org/10.47054/sd171-20031v
Vasilev, G. (2011). EU conditionality and ethnic coexistence in the Balkans: Macedonia and Bos nia in a comparative perspective. Ethnopolitics, 10(1), 51–76. https://doi.org/10.1080/174 49057.2010.535701
Zivotic, I., & Obradovic, D. (2022). Spread of the Russian propaganda on Western Balkans – Case study in Serbia. In 45 Years Higher Education in the Area of Security – Educational Challenges and Security Perspectives (pp. 173–187). https://doi.org/10.20544/icp.3.7.22.p15
360 Stepeni (2025, April 6). Против уставни измени за внесување на Бугарите во Уставот се 82% од Македонците и 11,3% од Албанците [82% of Macedonians and 11.3% of Albanians are against constitutional amendments to include Bulgarians in the Constitution]. https://360stepeni.mk/protiv-ustavni-izmeni-se-82-od-makedontsi te-i-11-3-od-albantsite/

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[1] Arnaudov, M. (2024). North Macedonia security threats in the third decade of XXI century: Instituti onal and political framework as a key determinant of instability. Arel USAM.

[2] Bechev, D. (2017). Rival power: Russia’s influence in Southeast Europe. Yale University Press.

[3] Bechev, D. (2023). The EU and dispute settlement: The case of the Macedonian name issue. East European Politics and Societies, 37(2), 698–717.

[4] Belloni, R. (2016). The European Union blowback? Euroscepticism and its consequences in the Western Balkans. Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding, 10(4), 530–547. https://doi.org/10.1080/17502977.2016.1211387

[5] Bertelsmann Stiftung. (2022). BTI 2022 Country report: North Macedonia. https://bti-project.org/ en/reports/country-report/MKD

[6] Brunnbauer, U. (2022). Side effects of “phantom pains”: How Bulgarian historical mythology derails North Macedonia’s EU accession. Comparative Southeast European Studies, 70(4), 722–739. https://doi.org/10.1515/soeu-2022-0064

[7] Buzan, B. (2003). Regions and powers: The structure of international security (Vol. 226). Cambridge University Press.

[8] Crisis Group. (2020). Balkans smuggling routes: Shifting patterns and risks. International Crisis Group. https://www.crisisgroup.org/europe-central-asia/balkans

[9] Dobbins, J., Miller, L. E., Pezard, S., Chivvis, C. S., & Taylor, J. E. (2013). Overcoming obstacles to peace: Local factors in nation-building. Rand Corporation.

[10] Donnelly, J. (2015). The discourse of anarchy in IR. International Theory, 7(3), 393–425. https://doi.org/10.1017/s1752971915000111

[11] Dopchie, R., & Lika, L. (2024). The EU enlargement strategy in the Western Balkans: Assessing the implications amidst the war in Ukraine. European Foreign Affairs Review, 29(2). https://doi.org/10.54648/eerr2024007

[12] Hasic, J., Dzananovic, N., & Mesihovic, L. (2020). “Implicit” contestations of EU foreign poli cy norm-domestication in Bosnia and Herzegovina and North Macedonia. Global Affairs, 6(4–5), 417–432. https://doi.org/10.1080/23340460.2021.1897952

[13] Himes, A., & Stronski, P. (2019). Russia’s game in the Balkans. Carnegie Endowment for Interna tional Peace.

[14] IDSCS Institute for Democracy “Societas Civilis” – Skopje. (2023). Public opinion analysis paper No. 27. https://idscs.org.mk/wp-content/uploads/2023/12/B5-Public-Opinion-Analy sis-Paper-No.-27-2023-WEB.pdf

[15] IDSCS Institute for Democracy “Societas Civilis” – Skopje. (2025, February 6). Analysis of public opinion on North Macedonia’s accession to the European Union (2014–2024). https://idscs.org. mk/en/2025/02/06/analysis-of-public-opinion-on-eu-accssesion-eng/

[16] Jakesevic, R. (2024). Political and security implications of the Russian invasion of Ukraine in the Western Balkans. Balkan Social Science Review, 23, 389. https://doi.org/10.46763/bssr242323389j

[17] Koppa, M. E. (2001). Ethnic Albanians in the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia: Between nationality and citizenship. Nationalism and Ethnic Politics, 7(4), 37–65. https://doi.org/10.1080/13537110108428644

[18] Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung. (2024, October 30). Siguria Kombëtare e Kosovës në kuadrin e BE-së [Kosovo’s National Security within the Framework of the EU]. https://www.kas.de/ documents/286052/0/Belegexemplar+24-10-30+Kosovo%27s+National+Security+Un der+the+EU+Framework+%28ALB%29.pdf/248f4d8a-958b-51bb-0ef8-8e23073f7020? version=1.0&t=1731407548140

[19] Korvela, P. E. (2018). Farewell to anarchy: The myth of international anarchy and birth of anar cophilia in international relations. Redescriptions: Political Thought, Conceptual History and Feminist Theory, 21(1). https://doi.org/10.7227/r.21.1.3

[20] Malaj, D., & Mahmutaj, N. (2023). Assessing determinants and impact of possible Russian influ ence in the Western Balkan countries. Baltic Journal of Law & Politics, 16(1), 148–173. https://doi.org/10.2478/bjlp-2023-0008

[21] Manzinger, K. (2020). How do you want me to address you? – The Macedonian name dispute resolved. Acta Universitatis Sapientiae, European and Regional Studies, 17, 7–28. https://doi.org/10.2478/auseur-2020-0001

[22] Marolov, D. (2013). Understanding the Ohrid Framework Agreement. In Republic of Mace donia foreign policy: Diplomacy in the middle of the Balkans (pp. 134–154). https://doi. org/10.1057/9781137302823_8 https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137302823_8

[23] Marolov, D. (2014). Republic of Macedonia foreign policy: Diplomacy in the middle of the Balkans. Cambridge Scholars Publishing.

[24] Nacionale. (2024, September 26). Pandeli Majko: Sulmi në Banjskë, tentativë për të krijuar një Donbas serb në Kosovë [Pandeli Majko: Attack in Banjska, attempt to create a Serbian Don bas in Kosovo]. https://nacionale.com/politike/pandeli-majko-sulmi-ne-banjske-tentati ve-per-te-krijuar-nje-donbas-serb-ne-kosove

[25] Nuhija, B. (2013). The impact of postponed accession of Republic of Macedonia in the Euro-At lantic structures to the inter-ethnic relations. New Balkan Politics, 13, 142.

[26] Nyemann, D. B. (2023). Kosovo, Russia, Serbia. Politica, 56(1). https://doi.org/10.7146/politica. v55i2.137165

[27] Pendarovski, S. (2012). Macedonian foreign policy: 1991–2011; Aspects of internal and international legitimacy. Magor.

[28] Polovic, J. (2023). Russia and West: Geopolitical clash in the Western Balkans. Science, Art and Religion, 2(1–2), 56–67. https://doi.org/10.5005/jp-journals-11005-0043

[29] Radio Free Europe. (2009, November 2). BDI: Në NATO, BE me ose pa maqedonasit [DUI: In NATO, EU with or without the Macedonians].

[30] Ramadani, I. (2024, September 27). Reagime pas ndarjes së Shqipërisë dhe Maqedonisë së Veri ut në procesin e integrimit evropian [Reactions after the separation of Albania and North Macedonia in the European integration process]. Zëri i Amerikës. https://www.zeriamerikes. com/a/7802134.html

[31] Regí, J. (2024). La ampliación de la Unión Europea tras el conflicto de Ucrania [The enlargement of the European Union after the conflict in Ukraine]. Revista de Estudios en Seguridad Inter nacional, 10(1), 145–161. http://dx.doi.org/10.18847/1.19.9

[32] Reka, A. (2008). The Ohrid Agreement: The travails of inter-ethnic relations in Macedonia. Hu man Rights Review, 9, 55–69. https://doi.org/10.1007/s12142-007-0029-z

[33] Risteska, M. (2013). The role of the EU in promoting good governance in Macedonia: Towards efficiency and effectiveness or deliberative democracy? Nationalities Papers, 41(3), 431–446. https://doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2013.769504

[34] Scazzieri, L. (2021). Reviving European policy towards the Western Balkans. Centre for European Reform.

[35] Serwer, D. (2019). Macedonia: Timely prevention works. In D. Serwer, From war to peace in the Balkans, the Middle East and Ukraine (pp. 53–70).

[36] Šcepanovic, J. (2022). Russia, the Western Balkans, and the question of status. East European Politics and Societies and Cultures, 37(3), 1059–1083. https://doi.org/10.1177/08883254221130366

[37] Stojanovic, M. (2024, September 30). After decoupling from Tirana, Skopje is left in a limbo and looking into foreign policy reorientation. European Western Balkans. https://europe anwesternbalkans.com/2024/09/30/after-decoupling-from-tirana-skopje-is-left-in-a-lim bo-and-looking-into-foreign-policy-reorientation/

[38] Tcherneva, V. (2023). Before it’s too late: How the EU should support the Western Balkans’ EU accession. European Council on Foreign Relations (ECFR).

[39] Taylor-Braçe, A., & Gotev, G. (2024, September 26). Albania’s EU path decoupled from North Ma cedonia while Skopje remains in limbo. Euractiv. https://www.euractiv.com/section/politics/ news/albanias-eu-path-decoupled-from-north-macedonia-while-skopje-remains-in-limbo/

[40] Todorova, M. (2009). Imagining the Balkans. Oxford University Press.

[41] Vangelov, O. (2023). An analysis of Bulgaria’s rejection of the Macedonian ethno-linguistic iden tity and its implications. In Macedonia’s long transition: From independence to the Prespa Agre ement and beyond (pp. 207–222). Springer International Publishing. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-20773-0_11

[42] Vankovska, B. (2017). Lilliputian foreign policy of a small state: The case of the Republic of Ma cedonia. Bezbednosni Dijalozi, 8(1–2), 31–46. https://doi.org/10.47054/sd171-20031v

[43] Vasilev, G. (2011). EU conditionality and ethnic coexistence in the Balkans: Macedonia and Bos nia in a comparative perspective. Ethnopolitics, 10(1), 51–76. https://doi.org/10.1080/174 49057.2010.535701

[44] Zivotic, I., & Obradovic, D. (2022). Spread of the Russian propaganda on Western Balkans – Case study in Serbia. In 45 Years Higher Education in the Area of Security – Educational Challenges and Security Perspectives (pp. 173–187). https://doi.org/10.20544/icp.3.7.22.p15

[45] 360 Stepeni (2025, April 6). Против уставни измени за внесување на Бугарите во Уставот се 82% од Македонците и 11,3% од Албанците [82% of Macedonians and 11.3% of Albanians are against constitutional amendments to include Bulgarians in the Constitution]. https://360stepeni.mk/protiv-ustavni-izmeni-se-82-od-makedontsi te-i-11-3-od-albantsite/